On 30th January, the DUP endorsed UK Government proposals to restore power-sharing in Northern Ireland (NI). Central to these proposals were changes to how the Windsor Framework (the UK-EU deal on implementing the NI Protocol) is to be operated. From an agri-food perspective, these key changes include;
- ‘Not-for-EU’ labelling: the original Windsor Framework envisaged that this would apply in NI only, insofar that goods (e.g. pizzas, cheese etc.) shipped from GB to NI, and intended for final use in NI, would carry this label. The Government now proposes that this be extended across GB also (from October 2024) and has initiated a consultation on this. This will add some additional labelling costs for UK agri-food processors, but it was a key for the DUP which views anything that it perceives as undermining Northern Ireland’s integral place within the UK, very negatively.
- Unfettered access for qualifying NI goods: changing the UK Internal Market Act (IMA) to reinforce the policy of unfettered access for qualifying NI goods (e.g. beef) onto the GB market.
- Qualifying Northern Ireland goods rules: tightening the definitions to help to ensure that only NI traders benefitted from unfettered access to the UK and that traders from elsewhere (e.g. Republic of Ireland) would not simply re-route goods through Northern Ireland to avoid border checks which are in the process of being introduced under the UK Border Target Operating Model.
- Internal market system for goods entering NI: this would replace the ‘green lane’ system under the original Windsor Framework agreement and aims to further reduce burdens and formalities for goods entering NI from GB. The details are yet to be announced but the UK Government is seeking an EU agreement to expand the list of agri-food goods that can enter NI (from GB) via this lane.
- Intertrade UK: a new body will be established to promote trade within the UK.
- Legal obligations when introducing new primary legislation: ministers will be required to consider whether any new primary legislation would affect trade between Northern Ireland and other parts of the UK because of future divergence from EU rules.
In addition to the points above, there were also amendments designed to assuage DUP concerns around NI’s constitutional position within the UK. Furthermore, the UK Government has committed to provide an extra £3.3 billion in funding for the NI Executive to help to stabilise NI’s public finances and to tackle issues like healthcare.
Coincidentally, the latest proposals also includes the intention to complete the devolution of Corporation Tax to Northern Ireland. This will effectively give NI scope to reduce its rate to the same level as the Republic of Ireland (currently at 12.5% for small companies and 15% for large companies with annual turnover exceeding €750m). This would be an important step in making NI more competitive for inward investment and could bolster the NI economy. Some, however, would claim that it smacks of ‘cakeism’ on the DUP’s part – on the one hand it does not want Northern Ireland to be any different than the rest of the UK, but when it suits, it is happy for NI to have a lower Corporation Tax rate. That said, it is a relatively small price to pay and it might help to reduce NI’s reliance on Westminster public funding in the longer term. What is key now is that the NI Executive gets down to work and delivers for the people of Northern Ireland, not just in agriculture, but across the economy generally.